EICK, SAMBALE, TOEPFER KONTROLLIERTE URBANITÄT ZUR NEOLIBERALISIERUNG STÄDTISCHER SICHERHEITSPOLITIK

28 Zur analytischen Unterscheidung von urbanen und sozialen Bewegungen
sowie ihren (sozialwissenschaftlichen) Vorzügen und Fallstricken vgl.
Pickvance (2003).

29 »The dominant group on the radical side of the transnational protest movement is the loosely anarchist 'Black Bloc,' whose masked affiliates have been held responsible for street violence and property destruction in Seattle, Prague, Genoa, and so on. Some organizing groups have blamed agents provocateurs from the police forces for the violence, viewing them as being planted to justify more extreme crowd control techniques and, thus, the violence. In other instances, ordinary people simply get caught up in the moment: protests, demonstrations, and sports finals have always produced these urges. […] Prior to Genoa, mainstream groups had made an effort to accommodate the Black Bloc in its own sector of the protest, but since then, and especially since September 11, they have moved to distinguish themselves more radically from the violent minority« (O'Neill 2004: 242f, Hervorh. im Original; vgl. Auyero 2002).

30 »Before the police left the scene, there was a brief encounter between the cops and the people. You didn't know whether to bitch at them, punch them, or forgive them. The people finally applauded the cops, and they left« (Auyero 2002: 166).

31 »The death, from a police bullet, of a protester in Genoa in 2001 generated a groundswell of complaints against police procedures. In Switzerland, in February 2001, the town of Davos was practically turned into a military fort to prevent protesters reaching the site of the G8 meeting. In Prague, in November 2000, police actions in the city streets stood on stark contrast to President Havel's invitation to protesters to meet with him and stay in the presidential palace« (O'Neill 2004: 245). Auch London war zum jeweiligen 1. Mai seit den Jahren 2001 und 2002 von einer Polizeigewalt gekennzeichnet, die, so Donston et al. (2004: 20), »coincided with antiterrorism and public order legislation which has arguably further eroded rights of assembly« und »resonate with U.S. government thinking which has seen the introduction of 'free speech zones', specially designated areas, frequently farremoved from the source of protestors' concerns, within which dissent can be voiced« (Hervorh. im Original).

32 »Cities are […] the postmodern equivalent of jungles and mountains – citadels of the dispossessed and irreconcilable. A military unprepared for urban operations across a broad spectrum is unprepared for tomorrow« (Peters 1996: 43; vgl. Norton (2003).

33 'Natur'katastrophen wie der Hurrikan Katrina, der 2005 weite Teile New Orleans und der Küste von Mississippi zerstörte (Davis 2005; Pastor et al. 2006), haben sich dabei neben dem Kriegsbusiness als neuer Markt für Söldnerfirmen entpuppt: »Blackwater is not alone. As business leaders and government officials talk openly of changing the demographics of what was one of the most culturally vibrant of America's cities, mercenaries from companies like DynCorp, Intercon, American Security Group, Blackhawk, Wackenhut and an Israeli company called Instinctive Shooting International (ISI) are fanning out to guard private businesses and homes, as well as government projects and institutions. Within two weeks of the hurricane, the number of private security companies registered in Louisiana jumped from 185 to 235. Some, like Blackwater, are under federal contract. Others have been hired by the wealthy elite […]. With President Bush using the Katrina disaster to try to repeal Posse Comitatus (the ban on using US troops in domestic law enforcement) and Blackwater and other security firms clearly initiating a push to install their paramilitaries on US soil, the war is coming home in yet another ominous way. As one Blackwater mercenary said, 'This is a trend. You're going to see a lot more guys like us in these situations.'« (Scahill 2005, Hervorh. im Original; vgl. Crespo/Scahill 2005).


34 Dieses 40 Quadratkilometer umfassende Areal war für die G8-Gegner nicht zugänglich, weil der Bundesgerichtshof – erstmals in der deutschen Nachkriegsgeschichte – »nicht innerhalb von 48 Stunden Stellung genommen« hat, so der Berliner Innensenator Körting (SPD) in der TV-Sendung Berliner Abendschau am 3. Juni 2007. Die Berliner Abendschau versteht sich als das TV-Nachrichtenorgan für die Region Berlin-Brandenburg.